Introduction
Today, almost 120 years after Lord Carnarvon’s
four-month visit to Australia, the Australian press would devote few, if any,
column inches to a visit by a British out-of-office former cabinet minister,
however distinguished. But 1887 was a special year, and the visitor was an
exceptional one.
All over the British Empire, the largest and most
powerful empire the world had ever known, the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty
Queen Victoria were celebrating the fiftieth year of her long reign—from her
Dominion of Canada, through India (of which she was Empress), to the Australian
colonies and beyond. The as yet unfederated Australian colonies also had some
more domestic reasons to celebrate in 1887: a hundred years earlier, the first
convicts had been landed at Botany Bay, and so the white settlement of the
Australian continent was now marking its centenary. And in 1887 one of the five
Australian colonies, South Australia, was also celebrating its own jubilee.
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Lord Carnarvon, who had been born just a few years
before Victoria ascended the throne, was the most senior metropolitan
politician—and, indeed, the most senior officer of the United Grand Lodge of
England—ever to have visited any of the Australian colonies, where his reputation
as a statesman on the imperial stage and as a Freemason had preceded him.[1] For over
thirty years Carnarvon, more than any other British politician of his
generation, had consistently concerned himself with Britain’s colonies and its
empire. He had served as Colonial Secretary in two administrations, in the
first of which [2] he had
steered through the imperial parliament the bill that ultimately federated
Britain’s remaining North American colonies into its first dominion, the
Dominion of Canada. More recently he had briefly returned to the cabinet as
Lord Lieutenant or viceroy of Ireland.[3] Carnarvon’s
Masonic career was equally distinguished. In the English ‘Craft’,[4] as Pro
Grand Master of the United Grand Lodge of England, the world’s premier Grand
Lodge, Carnarvon was now second only to the Prince of Wales, whom he had
installed as its Grand Master in 1875, and he was also its Provincial Grand
Master for Somerset (England). Carnarvon was ex officio the Prince’s Pro
First Grand Principal in the Royal Arch, and he had also been the head of two
Masonic bodies [5] beyond
‘pure antient masonry’ which, like the English Craft and its associated Royal
Arch, had branches throughout the empire.
But even the conjunction of imperial and colonial
anniversaries with the visit of such a distinguished statesman and Freemason
from ‘the mother country’ does not explain the coverage Carnarvon received in
the Australian press or the genuine warmth of the welcome extended to him. In
this paper I shall consider Carnarvon’s visit in greater detail and in a
broader context than previous scholars, and thereby demonstrate its relevance
to discourses on such subjects as the development of national identities,
colonial-imperial and metropoleperiphery relationships, formal and informal
empire, and the adjustment of the English aristocracy to late
nineteenth-century conditions. The paper will also compare and contrast the
growth of independent Masonic Grand Lodges in Australia with contemporary
attitudes towards greater self-government in and the eventual political
independence of the Australian colonies, and show the relevance of this
four-month episode in Australian history to any study of Carnarvon the
statesman and Freemason.
With the honourable exception of Jessica
Harland-Jacobs,[6] historians
seem to have overlooked Carnarvon’s visit. Blight’s account of Carnarvon’s
contribution to the formation of the United Grand Lodge of New South Wales in
1889 [7] concentrates
on that part of Carnarvon’s visit only, and the brief reference to the visit in
Carnarvon’s biographical file in the archives of the United Grand Lodge of
England [8] are
incomplete and, in some respects, inaccurate.[9] Hardinge’s
biography of Carnarvon [10] —the only
one published to date [11] —certainly
covers the Australian visit, but it suffers from having been written under the
editorship of Carnarvon’s widow (his second wife, who accompanied him to
Australia, and the guardian of her husband’s reputation), and without reference
to several important contemporary records, let alone any Masonic ones. I have
therefore had to go ‘back to basics’: to Carnarvon’s diaries (from which,
unfortunately, some pages have been cut out) and other papers in the British
Library and the Hampshire Record Office; to reports of the visit in the
Australian press (general and Masonic); and to the official records of the
Grand Lodges of England and South Australia and of the (English) [12] District
Grand Lodge of Tasmania.
Carnarvon at 56
Carnarvon turned fifty-six in June 1887. Politically
he was again out of office and not entirely in favour with either his former
friends in the Conservative party or with his Queen. He had resigned in January
the previous year from what turned out to be his last appointment to a Cabinet
post, the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. When he had reluctantly accepted the
post in the summer of 1885 he had made it clear to Prime Minister Lord
Salisbury—and to Queen Victoria—that he would hold it only until the next
parliamentary elections.[13] Despite
the fact that at the Cabinet’s request he had in the event remained in office a
little longer than that, his resignation had not best pleased either the Prime
Minister or his sovereign, the latter having expressed to him in writing her
regret ‘that he shd for the 3rd time leave the Govt. with which he was
serving’.[14] (An
independently-minded conservative, Carnarvon had previously resigned as
Secretary of State for the Colonies in March 1867 over Disraeli’s Reform Bill,
and from the same office in January 1878 over Disraeli’s decision to send the British
fleet into the Dardanelles.) With Lord Salisbury Carnarvon had fallen out for
reasons not relevant to this paper, and he now found his old friend politically
‘untrustworthy’. On the other hand he hoped that Salisbury’s offer of the Lord
Lieutenancy of Southampton (which he promptly accepted) meant that their
friendship of more than thirty years was not entirely at an end.[15]
Though out of ministerial office, Carnarvon had
retained the chairmanship of the Royal Commission on the ‘Defence of British Possessions
and Commerce Abroad’, which he had held since its establishment in 1885.[16] From that
base he sought to concentrate the minds of the imperial and colonial
governments on improving and maintaining defences throughout the empire,[17] especially
those of the major ports and coaling stations used around the world by the
British commercial and military fleets. The growing military strength and
imperial designs of other European powers made Carnarvon anxious about any
perceived weakness in the unity of the British empire. He hoped that
consolidating and strengthening the empire would act as a deterrent to those
envious of its power and extent, but he feared and accurately foresaw the
slaughter of millions if and when European empires clashed on a global scale.[18]
Carnarvon’s
interests in Britain’s empire had always been wider than his brief as chairman
of the commission on the defence of British possessions overseas. Ever since
his first ministerial appointment in 1858, Carnarvon had been careful to
maintain his personal contacts with colonial administrators, particularly in
the white settlement colonies in North America, Australia and South Africa.[19] Building
on his published papers on imperial administration in late 1878 [20] he had
written papers on ‘Annexation and Federation in Australasia’ in 1884 and on
‘Australian Federation’ in 1885. He was in discussion about these matters with,
among others, Sir Charles Duffy (the former Premier of Victoria) and Sir Henry
Parkes (Colonial Secretary, New South Wales), and, though out of office, he had
entertained many of the colonial governors at his home, Highclere Castle, in
June 1886.[21] Carnarvon
had been thinking about visiting Australia, Canada and South Africa since at
least 1874,[22] and had
indeed visited Canada, privately, in 1883.[23] More
recently, Carnarvon had accepted the Prince of Wales’ invitation to serve on
the organizing committee of the Imperial Institute, the foundation stone of
which was laid by Queen Victoria on 4 July 1887. His particular interest in the
Australian colonies was rewarded by his appointments as a member of the Royal
Commissions for the Melbourne Centennial Exhibition [24] (at the
specific request of the government of Victoria [25]) and
the Adelaide Imperial Exhibition, both of which were chaired by the Prince of
Wales. And from the letters that Carnarvon received from colonial governors and
premiers it is clear that, at least in the colonies, Carnarvon’s concern for
their welfare and development within the empire was warmly appreciated.[26]
After his
first wife’s death, shortly after giving birth to their daughter in 1875, and
after his resignation as Colonial Secretary in January 1878, Carnarvon had
married again (December 1878), and Countess Elizabeth [27] had since
produced two sons, Aubrey (his second) in 1880 and Mervyn (his third) in 1882.
According to their close friends the Phillimores, it was a very happy marriage [28] and
Elizabeth, unlike his first wife, normally enjoyed good health. However, by
1887 Carnarvon’s own health was giving even more cause for concern than ever.
It is possible that Carnarvon already knew that he ‘was suffering from a
disease to which there could be one ending’—cancer of the liver.[29] His health
had never been robust and Carnarvon had suffered several prolonged periods of
illness over the years. Health worries had caused him to turn down the offer of
appointment as Viceroy of India in 1875 and, as we have seen, to limit his time
in the Irish vice-regency to a few months in 1885/86. Now fifty-six, Carnarvon
not only looked old for his years but was actually finding the burden of his
public duties difficult to bear ‘when there is the constant sense of weakness
& malaise’.[30] His
private life was also proving a strain: the profligacy of his son and heir,
Lord Porchester, had recently brought their relationship to a critical point,
and Carnarvon was also worried about the extent to which he himself was
indebted [31] —and
Australia was already an important ‘home for British investment’.[32]
Background to, and reasons for, the visit
Carnarvon’s decision to travel with his wife and two
servants to Australia via South Africa on a private rather than an official
visit seems to have been taken not very long before they sailed from England at
the end of August 1887, and essentially for health reasons.[33] Carnarvon
and his wife had spent most of the first three months of 1887 at their house in
Portofino, Italy, but without any marked improvement to Carnarvon’s health. A
more drastic cure was called for, including long sea voyages and a considerable
time away from all his problems at home, and so the decision to sail to
Australia was taken, probably in July 1887. The first mention that I have found
in Carnarvon’s diaries of his intention to undertake the visit is dated 12 July
1887, when he discussed the trip with Lord Rosebery, who had recently visited
Australia.[34] Although
this was to be a private visit, given the closeness of the earl’s working
relations with the Prince of Wales (in his capacities as the Prince’s Pro Grand
Master in the English Grand Lodge and as a key member of the organizing
committee of the Imperial Institute, the Prince’s favourite public project at
that time), one would have expected him to inform the Prince of his intended
journey at the earliest possible moment, and the fact that he did not do so
until late July is further proof that the decision was taken only shortly
beforehand.[35]
Harland-Jacobs claims that Carnarvon embarked on this
journey because ‘So committed was he to Freemasonry and the empire’, and that
on it ‘he performed a dual role as a missionary of the Imperial Federation
League and an emissary of the United Grand Lodge’.[36] But while
Carnarvon certainly acted in his Masonic capacity and spoke on federation and
on imperial matters during his four [37] months in
Australia, it should be clear from the above paragraph that he embarked on it
originally and essentially for health reasons. Indeed, I have also not found
any evidence that he went there ‘as a missionary of the Imperial Federation
League’ or ‘as an emissary of the United Grand Lodge’. What becomes evident
from a closer reading of his diary and papers at the British Library is that
when Carnarvon told the Prince of Wales of his decision to go to Australia it
was the Prince who definitely gave him a specific imperial commission and who
probably asked him to look into and suggest a solution to the Masonic problems
of New South Wales (‘NSW’) and possibly of Victoria as well.
Let us examine the specific imperial commission first.
In his letter of 29 July 1887 to Carnarvon wishing him bon voyage and better
health, the Prince turned down Carnarvon’s suggestion that he might resign from
the organizing committee of the Imperial Institute and suggested that he should
instead continue his fund-raising efforts while in Australia:[38]
After you have taken
so great an interest in the Imperial Institute I could not for a moment hear of
you giving up your post on the Organizing Committee, but I hope when you are in
Australia you may be able to rouse our Colonial friends & induce them to subscribe
more than they have done. If you saw your way to calling a meeting occasionally
you would be adding another to the many useful services you have rendered to
the Imperial Institute. India has sent us £40,000 & you have now about
£300,000 & I always hope to get ultimately £200,000 more!
It would appear that Carnarvon made an effort to obey
the Prince’s wish, though not a very great one. Before leaving England he
apparently wrote a fund-raising circular letter to, among others, Sir William
Clarke,[39] the
District Grand Master of all three ‘home’ Masonic constitutions [40] in the
colony of Victoria. Once in Australia Carnarvon commented on the value of the
Imperial Institute to the colonies—but without specifically calling for
donations—when Clarke mentioned that letter in his speech proposing Carnarvon’s
health at a Masonic banquet in Melbourne, Victoria, on 14 November 1887.[41] I have not
been able to find a copy of the circular letter, nor any other reference to
it—or to the Imperial Institute—during Carnarvon’s visit. In any case, some of
the Freemasons of Victoria were initially put out by Carnarvon’s letter,
written as it was on the Prince’s behalf; as Clarke mentioned in his speech,
they had originally ‘misinterpreted’ the letter, believing that their effort in
building a local almshouse to mark the jubilee should have satisfied the
Prince’s wish to see it properly celebrated. And even Carnarvon’s explanation
of the empire-wide value of the Institute on 14 November did not prevent the
publication of an article in the Melbourne Age three days later which
was openly critical of what its author considered to be the Prince’s and
Carnarvon’s misuse of Freemasonry in touting among its members for funds for
the Institute.[42] Indeed,
unless evidence is found to the contrary, it would seem that the proposal to
use Masonic funds to support the Imperial Institute had already been quietly
dropped even before Carnarvon reached Australia.[43] Although
notice had been given at the meeting of the United Grand Lodge of England (‘UGLE’)
in December 1886 that a member would propose a donation of £1,000 to the
Imperial Institute, the motion was eventually superseded by a vote of £6,000 to
the central Masonic charities from the proceeds of the UGLE’s celebration of
the Queen’s Jubilee held at the Royal Albert Hall on 13 June 1887. Thereafter
the only mention of the Imperial Institute in the Proceedings is buried
in an item in the accounts presented in December 1887: ‘G. Kenning for Printing
in connection with the Jubilee Meeting and Imperial Institute [£]101..1..7.’[44]
That the Prince also asked Carnarvon to advise him on
the Masonic problems in New South Wales is also quite probable, though I have
found no evidence of the royal commission which Blight and others [45] assume
Carnarvon was given, or of the UGLE’s commission assumed by Harland-Jacobs.
What actually happened appears to be as follows. On 11 August 1887, having
heard that Carnarvon was soon to leave England for Australia, and having
recently received some relevant communications from Lord Carrington [46] (the
Governor of New South Wales, and a Past Senior Grand Warden of the UGLE), the
UGLE’s Grand Secretary, Colonel Shadwell H Clerke, wrote accordingly to both
the Grand Master (the Prince of Wales) and the Pro Grand Master (Carnarvon).[47] Sir
Francis Knollys, the Prince’s Private Secretary, replied to Clerke on 15
August:[48]
I have submitted your
letter of the 11th to the Prince of Wales. HRH approves of the action you
propose to take in regard to Lord Carrington’s communication but he thinks it
should be a sine qua non that the Australian Grand Lodge should be affiliated
with the Grand Lodge of England and that it should not be independent such as
Ireland and Scotland. Only on this condition can HRH agree to Lord Carrington’s
proposal.
In brief, Carrington’s plan for resolving the Masonic
problem in New South Wales envisaged unifying the unrecognised Grand Lodge of
New South Wales that had been formed in 1877 with the District Grand Lodges of
the three ‘home’ constitutions (of England, Ireland and Scotland) in a new
body, a united grand lodge of New South Wales—with himself as its first Grand
Master. The only reason the Grand Lodge of New South Wales already in existence
had not been recognised by the ‘mother’ Grand Lodges in the British Isles [49] was that
it had been formed by only thirteen [50] of the one
hundred or so lodges in NSW at the time, and therefore did not have the
allegiance of the majority of the lodges in the colony, a sine qua non for
recognition.[51] As a
consequence, members of the ‘British’ District Grand Lodges were forbidden to
have any ‘masonic intercourse’ with the new Grand Lodge. However, with a former
Premier of the colony, James Squire Farnell, at its head, the Grand Lodge of
New South Wales soon flourished; more lodges joined it and the division in the
colony’s Craft—with leading citizens on both sides of the divide—became an
embarrassment. By the time of Carrington’s arrival in the colony, the chief
remaining obstacle to reconciliation and unification appears to have been the
District Grand Master of the ‘English’ district, John Williams (see below).
In 1885, soon after taking up his gubernatorial
duties, Carrington had courteously received a deputation from the Grand Lodge
of New South Wales,[52] and,
at a dinner in his honour given by the ‘English’ and ‘Scottish’ Masons of the
colony on 24 June 1887,[53] presided
over by Williams, Carrington had strongly indicated his view of the way ahead:
The Jubilee year has
witnessed in the Empire the joining together of a common outburst of loyalty,
and, although I regret to say that in our Craft in NSW there is a serious and
deplorable division, yet we all, as Freemasons, are strongly united in our
devotion to the Constitution, and in our loyalty to the Queen. (Applause) And,
as this is so, brethren, could not this year become memorable amongst
Freemasons as the one in which the first steps were taken to bring the Masonic
bodies of this colony into one harmonious whole? (Applause) The difficulties at
first may appear great – to some they may be apparently insurmountable; but, if
they are to be overcome at all, it is by Masonry, and by Masonry alone, that
this great step can be effected. Our District Grand Masters have, to their
great honor [sic], for years conscientiously and bravely refused to
allow any infringement of the Constitutional laws of the Order, which, by their
obligations, they are bound to maintain – (applause) – but we know them well
enough to know that they would be the last persons in the world to throw any
impediment in the way of a general reconciliation of the brethren should it be
possible to effect it in a lawful and proper manner. (Applause)
As a statesman, Carrington would not have gone this
far in public if he had not been reasonably confident of effecting a ‘harmonious
whole’ for the four Masonic constitutions [54] operating
in the colony. As a close friend of the Prince of Wales since their days
together at Eton and Cambridge,[55] Carrington
would have been briefed (or, in Clerke’s term, ‘posted’) about the Prince’s desire
[56] to see the
Masonic divisions in the Australian colonies removed. And we know from Knollys’
letter to Carnarvon of 15 August 1887 that Carrington had also written
privately to the Prince about his plan.
Carnarvon—who, until he announced his visit to
Australia, does not seem to have known Carrington well or been in close contact
with him—appears not to have known about Carrington’s plan until Clerke wrote
to him on 15 August, for Clerke ends his report with ‘I think it is only right
that your Lordship should be aware of the position of affairs before visiting
the colony’. Clerke also reminded his Pro Grand Master—as he would his Grand
Master—that once a Grand Lodge had been established it was immediately and
entirely independent, pointing out thereby that the Prince’s condition that
‘the Australian Grand Lodge should be affiliated with the Grand Lodge of
England and that it should not be independent such as Ireland and Scotland’
could not be satisfied under ‘universal Masonic law’. As Clerke put it: ‘Of
course what the Prince lays down is impossible. What they want and mean to have
is an independent Gd Lodge and provided they are unanimous we have neither the
right nor the power to refuse them’. Carnarvon was in fact already well aware
of ‘universal Masonic law’ in this respect. Clerke had been told by Knollys
that the Prince viewed the proposed independent Grand Lodge ‘as a kind of
“separatist” movement which out [sic] to be resisted and the unity of
the Masonic Empire maintained’, and this was precisely the argument Carnarvon
had advanced thirty years earlier when trying unsuccessfully to retain the
allegiance of ‘English’ lodges in Canada to the English Grand Lodge rather than
to the breakaway Grand Lodge of Canada.[57] Since then
he and the UGLE had had to accept the creation of, and to recognise,
independent Grand Lodges in several British territories, including South
Australia (created in 1884 and recognised in 1885)—but the Prince of Wales had
never yet attempted to clip a nascent one’s wings. That the Prince, as we shall
see, eventually accepted Carnarvon’s proposal as to how to square this
particular circle is as much a measure of Carnarvon’s diplomatic skill as it is
of the Grand Secretary’s forthright realism.
Once Carnarvon had made up his mind to visit
Australia—and probably after he communicated his decision to the Prince in late
July 1887—Carnarvon presumably wrote to his personal, civic and Masonic
contacts there to let them know that he would be leaving England at the end of
August and reach Australia in late October after a brief stop-over in South
Africa. The Masonic network quickly picked up the news, for in its edition of 8
August 1887 The Victorian Freemason carried a short notice that:[58]
It is stated that the
Earl of Carnarvon, the Pro. Grand Master of England, will visit the colonies
about September next. He will probably have something to say about the ‘Union’.
Even allowing for the recent introduction of
telegraphic communications between Australia and Britain, it is not surprising,
given that there was only a month between Carnarvon’s decision to travel to
Australia and his departure from England, that except in broad outline the
Carnarvons’ itinerary was left fairly flexible until they reached their
destination. It seems likely that they had always intended to visit Hobart
(Tasmania), the first Australian colony they would reach after leaving Cape
Town on 1 October, then Melbourne (Victoria), Adelaide (South Australia) and
Sydney (NSW), before sailing from Adelaide on 13 February to return to Europe
via brief stop-overs in Albany (Western Australia) and Colombo (Ceylon).
However, Queensland was certainly not included in their plan until some time
after they reached the Australian mainland,[59] and by
today’s standards Carnarvon’s attendance at some at least of the Masonic and
other events during his visit was arranged at quite short notice. The Grand
Lodge of South Australia (meeting at Adelaide) officially received the news of
Carnarvon’s visit only on 19 October,[60] and when
Carnarvon arrived in Hobart on 20 October the Masons of Tasmanian still did not
know if he would be available to attend a meeting of their District Grand Lodge
and their plans to hold a Masonic ball in his honour awaited his decision as to
the most convenient date.
Tasmania, 20 October to 1 November 1887
Though prolonged by a severe bout of gout, Carnarvon’s
visit to Hobart included very little Masonic activity. He received a deputation
of Masons and an illustrated address from them at Government House on 21
October 1887, but other engagements and the gout attack prevented his
attendance at any other Masonic events. He even had to miss the full-dress
Masonic ball in aid of the local Masonic benevolent fund which had been brought
forward at very short notice from 28 to 25 October to fit in with the rest of
his programme.[61] The
reception of the deputation on 21 October was a brief affair: the address, from
the English constitution Masons of ‘a colony which prides itself on an
unswerving loyalty to the Queen and the Mother Country’ pledged their
‘unswerving attachment to the grand principles of the Order, and of our loyalty
to the Grand Lodge of England’. Carnarvon replied that he recognised and valued
‘the loyalty to the Crown, our illustrious Grand Master HRH the Prince of Wales,
and to the principles of our Ancient Order’, adding that ‘Law and order, and
all that we prize most highly in our public life, will always find a firm
support in the teaching and practice of which our English Masonry is the
representative’. Thus, although Harland-Jacobs writes that ‘In all places
Carnarvon waxed poetic on the significance of the empire and Freemasonry’s role
as a bridge between the metropole and the colonies’,[62] this does
not seem to have been the case in Hobart. (Perhaps Carnarvon’s visit actually
disappointed the local brethren, as it was not mentioned in the District Grand
Secretary’s annual report which he submitted to the ‘annual communication’ in
Launceston on 3 May 1888. Instead, the District Grand Master’s ‘Jubilee
Address’ to the Queen of 22 July 1887, assuring her that ‘Loyalty to the Throne
is one of the primary and essential principles of Freemasonry’ was read out in
full.[63])
However, the reception on 21 October was recorded in Carnarvon’s diary and
reported promptly in the local press, along with his inspection of Hobart’s
defences and his brief visit to the colony’s parliament.[64]
Victoria, 3–28 November 1887
Carnarvon had sufficiently recovered from the gout
attack to sail from Hobart on 1 November. He and his wife reached Melbourne
(Victoria) on 3 November where they stayed with the Governor, Sir Henry Loch,
until 28 November.
Carnarvon’s first semi-official function in Melbourne
was to attend a luncheon in his honour at the Australia Club on 4 November,[65] but his
official programme began with his attendance and speech at the mayor of
Melbourne’s inaugural ball on 9 November. The speech is important as it
introduces into the visit the related themes of imperial defence, federation,
and family—themes that Carnarvon developed as the visit progressed and as he
adjusted his messages to local audiences and sensitivities. Introducing
Carnarvon, Governor Sir Henry Loch made clear his own view of the current
discourse on the most appropriate form of federation for the British Empire by
stating that ‘a union between these colonies and the mother country is the
federation that seems to me to be the only Imperial Federation possible and
reasonable, at all events for the present.’ Carnarvon in his speech
acknowledged that ‘the magic word “federation” has been much talked about in
England’, but he did not then continue the debate on federation, on the ground
that ‘time and circumstance prevent him from full explanation of it’. Instead,
he insisted that, however it might be defined, federation had to be based on
two things: loyalty to the sovereign on the one hand, and mutual advantages and
common interests on the other. Carnarvon saw in the current relationship
between Britain and its colonies a growing ‘partnership’. The recent Imperial Conference
was ‘an experiment that . . . bound Australia and
England closer together’. After all, he said, Englishmen and Australian were
all of the same ‘kith and kin’,[66] and both
an Australian in England and he in Australia could proudly declare ‘Civis sum Britannicus’.[67] On
defence, Carnarvon reminded his audience that the best way for nations to
ensure peace was to prepare for war. In so doing, he was encouraging the
colonial government to contribute to the colony’s maritime defences—the Naval
Defence Bill was at that moment before the colonial parliament—as imperial
defence was a matter of ‘mutual advantage and common interest’ to both Britain
and the colonies.
The next day the Melbourne Age simply reported
Carnarvon’s speech, but on 11 November its leading article opposed ‘Imperial
Federation’[68] and
advocated instead an ‘advisatory [sic] Colonial Council’ to improve
relations between Britain and her colonies, but otherwise to leave the
relationship to adjust itself to circumstances as they occurred. The writer
was, however, in favour of federating the Australian colonies—a subject which
Carnarvon had not touched upon.
By the time of Carnarvon’s next official speaking
engagement [69] (the
dinner given in his honour on 25 November by Sir James McBain, president of the
Legislative Council, in the Queen’s Hall of Parliament House, Melbourne),[70] the
Victorian parliament had passed the Naval Defence Bill. Carnarvon congratulated
the parliament on this step which, he said, would help tie the colonies to the
mother country in bonds of mutual defence. Then, as if to mark this development
as a coming of age in the colony–metropole relationship, he added ‘you are
stepping from the past where local duties, however important, have had no
relationship to Imperial duties and you are joining in a partnership in
Imperial matters from henceforth and I know not whether to congratulate you or
not’.[71] He also
recognised that in such a relationship each partner influenced the other: ‘It
would be difficult to state the numberless forms and ways in which Australia
and England now act and react upon each other’. Describing his role as Colonial
Secretary as ‘in a humble degree the link between old Downing-street and Young
Australia’, Carnarvon claimed that Australia had now ‘taken her place amidst
the family of European nations’—overlooking, presumably for effect, the facts
that not all the Australian colonies had passed a Naval Defence Bill, that they
had yet to be federated, and that an Australian nation had yet to be formally
created.
Carnarvon’s speech was warmly received. The press
coverage was generally sympathetic and supportive.[72] The South
Australian Advertiser fully agreed with Carnarvon that Australia was now
taking its place among the family of European nations, and added that ‘Our
colonial politicians will profit much if they take example from Lord
Carnarvon’s speech’ as it was ‘not self-assertive, nor dogmatic, nor boastful’.[73] It also
agreed with Carnarvon’s view of the European threat to Australia’s wellbeing,
of the danger of an isolationist stance even for a federated Australia, and of
the need for the ‘Imperial race’ to stand together.[74] However, The
Melbourne Age criticised the current attitude of the Colonial Office
towards the colonies:
If Lord Carnarvon can
persuade it that it must change its attitude and substitute a policy of
conciliation for one of dictation, he will do more to consolidate the Empire
and win our allegiance and affection than even the [recent Imperial] Conference
did when it offered to relieve the British taxpayer of so much of defending
their shores.
In this episode is revealed the central tension in the
development towards a distinct Australian identity: on the one hand a wish to
be treated with more respect by London, and on the other a degree of reluctance
to accept any greater share of what London saw as the burden of empire. The
episode also demonstrates the esteem in which Carnarvon was held in Australia,
and the tact with which he pursued his long-term twofold agenda: granting the
maximum possible degree of self-government for the white settlement colonies
consistent with maintaining and where possible strengthening their allegiance
to and support of the British imperial crown—what Gorman has termed the
‘perennial paradigm of empire’.[75]
Carnarvon had actually granted an interview to a
reporter from the Advertiser. The text of that interview was also
printed on 2 December, and from it we can see that Carnarvon again stressed
that he had undertaken the visit primarily in the hope of improving his health,[76] which, in
spite of inclement weather and his programme of visits and speeches, does not
seemed to have caused him any problems since the gout attack in Hobart.
Carnarvon’s spirits had, however, received a serious blow when, on 10 November,
he had received the news of the death on 8 November of his son-in-law, the Hon
Alfred Byng, at the age of 37. Byng had been one of Carnarvon’s ADCs during his
spell in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant, and had married Carnarvon’s daughter, Lady
Winifred Herbert, only nine months previously. Carnarvon wrote in his diary
that day that his ‘heart bled for her’.[77] It was
therefore with some reluctance that Carnarvon attended his first Masonic
function in Australia the next day, a ‘Masonic meeting and luncheon’ on 11
November 1887 at the ‘fine & spacious’ Masonic Hall in Melbourne. Carnarvon
recorded in his diary: ‘I was obliged to be present this afternoon at the
Masonic Hall as it was an old engagement . . . At the end
I was made to eat a sort of luncheon & to have my health proposed in two
speeches to which I begged to reply in one’.[78] There is
no record of his reply, nor have I yet discovered under what auspices the
meeting was held.
Despite his mourning, Carnarvon received a ‘Masonic
deputation’ on the morning of 12 November, presumably from the ‘English’
District Grand Lodge of Victoria, but his diary gives no details of what
transpired. More remarkably, Carnarvon recorded that in the afternoon he had a
long talk with ‘Mr. Coppin, the head of the so-called Gd Lodge of Victoria on
the subject of re-union.’[79] This was a
most unusual step for a Pro Grand Master of the UGLE to take, meeting ‘the
head’—actually, since November 1886, the immediate Past Grand Master—of an
unrecognised Grand Lodge, and thereby directly intervening in the uneasy
relationship between it and the ‘English’ District in the same territory.
Indeed, it was Carnarvon who invited Coppin to meet him, as is clear from
Coppin’s letter sent earlier that day:
Mr Coppin [80] of
Pinegrove, Richmond Hill, has the honor [sic] the fraternal invitation
of the Right Hon. Lord Carnarvon for this afternoon (Saturday) at four o’clock
to talk upon Masonic matters.[81]
(I cannot prove it, but I think the scanty evidence
available suggests that the stimulus for Carnarvon’s invitation came from Lord
Carrington, the friend of the Prince of Wales. Carrington, perhaps more than
anyone else, would have known of the Prince’s wish to have solutions found to
the major problems within the Craft in Australia, and he had himself not
rebuffed but responded kindly to an address welcoming him to New South Wales
from the unrecognised Grand Lodge of New South Wales, which the ‘home’ Grand
Lodges had classified as ‘clandestine’ and ‘spurious’.[82])
Carnarvon recorded in his diary:
I took a note of his
proposals, said I wd be glad to see a re-union, but expressed no opinions,
& said that I cd say nothing till I had seen the P. of W. and talked to
him.[83]
By ‘re-union’ Carnarvon presumably meant the
amalgamation of the lodges under the ‘home’ Masonic Grand Lodges in Victoria
with those under the unrecognised Grand Lodge of Victoria in a united and
independent Grand Lodge. No significant further progress towards this goal was
made while Carnarvon was in Australia, but on 31 May 1888 he discussed the
proposal with the Prince of Wales in London, and assured him of ‘the very
strong Imperialist feeling in Victoria’.[84] At some
stage Carnarvon (and possibly Carrington) must also have successfully suggested
to the Prince of Wales that in the Masonic sphere this feeling would be
maintained if he would consent to be the Grand Patron of the proposed United
Grand Lodge of Victoria. The Prince’s original objection to the formation of
fully independent Grand Lodges in Australia was thus overcome, and on 9 June
1888, just three days after Carnarvon had spoken to the English Grand Lodge
about his Australian experience, the Australasian Keystone reported not
only that the Prince would indeed become Victoria’s patron but that ‘The
proposed Grand Lodge will thus bear the same relation to the Grand Lodge of
England as the Grand Lodges of Ireland and Scotland’. The United Grand Lodge of
Victoria was eventually inaugurated on 20 March 1889, when Lord Carrington
installed the former District Grand Master, Sir William Clarke, as its first Grand
Master.[85]
We do not know how influential, if at all, the
Australian Masonic press was in assisting Carnarvon to overcome any residual
concerns he may have had as to the formation and recognition of independent
Grand Lodges in the Australian colonies. However, it is worth noting here that
on 7 November 1887, just after his arrival in Melbourne from Tasmania, the Victorian
Freemason reminded its readers that ‘in the great Dominion of Canada, each
province has a separate Grand Lodge’, and it thereby argued against the
formation of one Grand Lodge for the whole of Australia.[86] It also
reprinted the report carried in the Argus on 1 November 1887 that when
Carnarvon visited South Africa en route for Australia he told a church synod
that ‘the colonial synods had not proved the dangerous innovations predicted’
and that ‘he was in favour of each colonial church exercising that freedom so
necessary on account of its special surroundings’ as long it was ‘at one with
the common church in doctrine, feeling, and allegiance’. The Victorian
Freemason concluded that each Australian colony should have its own Grand
Lodge, and suggested that ‘If only he [Carnarvon] will change the word church
into Freemasonry the same address will be applicable’ to Australian Freemasons,
as ‘There is no intention to cut the painter in Freemasonry in Victoria any
more than there is in forming Church Synods’. On the other hand, Carnarvon’s
arrival in Australia seems to have had an effect on the local Masonic
press—unless it is but a coincidence that the first issues of the South
Australian Freemason and the Australasian Keystone appeared on 1
December 1887 and 2 January 1888 respectively.
But to
return to Carnarvon’s meeting with Coppin on 12 November 1887. This, it was
later acknowledged, ‘paved the way for the cessation’ of the ‘peculiar and
undesirable complications’ which had arisen from the existence in the same
colony of an unrecognised Grand Lodge and lodges under the three ‘home’ Grand
Lodges,[87] despite
the fact that some of these ‘complications’ had been evident during Carnarvon’s
stay in Victoria. Three examples will suffice here. Carnarvon (like every other
Freemason still owing allegiance to the ‘home’ Grand Lodges) did not attend the
Grand Masonic Ball given by the unrecognised Grand Lodge of Victoria on 9
November and which received good press coverage the next day.[88] Next, both
the Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Victoria, James Brown Patterson,[89] and his
predecessor, George Selth Coppin, were members of the colony’s Legislative
Assembly which entertained Carnarvon on 25 November, as was Sir William Clarke,
the local head of the three ‘home’ constitutions. And thirdly, the unrecognised
Grand Lodge was not invited to the ‘gt Masonic banquet’ given by the ‘home’
constitutions in Carnarvon’s honour on 14 November (see above) and so it
considered the banquet to be ‘unmasonic’.[90]
Before leaving Melbourne for Adelaide [91] Carnarvon
visited the newly-built Masonic almshouses with Sir William Clarke,[92] and also
the Melbourne Exhibition Building (built for the Melbourne International
Exhibition of 1880,[93] for which
he had been one of the Royal Commissioners) to see the preparations for the
Melbourne Centennial International Exhibition to be opened in 1888.[94] There he
was accorded another warm welcome, this time from the Premier, the Chief
Justice and members of the executive committee, and his speech to them was
warmly received. However, on 29 November 1887, the day of his arrival in
Adelaide, the South Australian Advertiser published a not uncritical review
of his political career, listing, for example, his failure as Colonial
Secretary to punish Eyre (who had served as the Resident Magistrate and
Protector of Aborigines in South Australia in the 1840s) for his
disproportionate reaction to a rebellion in Jamaica when Eyre was that colony’s
Governor-in-Chief, his unsuccessful protest against Disraeli’s successful
action in sending the British fleet into the Dardanelles to halt the threatened
Russian advance, and the disappointment of his and other’s hopes while serving
as the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. While it declared that ‘Lord Carnarvon is
particularly liked and respected among colonists’ and that ‘As Secretary of
State for the Colonies there is no other statesman in his party who possesses
the same qualifications’, the article added that ‘if ill-health has rendered
further labour distasteful he is well justified, at the comparatively early age
of 56, in seeking rest’.[95]
South Australia, 29 November to 7 December 1887
There seem to have been only two fixed points on
Carnarvon’s programme for his first visit to Adelaide when he arrived there on
29 November from Melbourne: a visit to the Adelaide Imperial Exhibition (of
which he was a Royal Commissioner) and a dinner in his honour given by the
Grand Lodge of South Australia. In the event, Carnarvon visited the exhibition
on three occasions,[96] the first
on the very day of his arrival in Adelaide. The next day Carnarvon spoke at a
ceremony there when his host, Governor Sir William Robinson, presented the awards.
In that speech Carnarvon naturally commented on the felicitous coincidence of
the jubilees of both the Queen and her colony of South Australia, and on the
consolidation of the empire during those fifty years, but he also returned to a
favourite theme on which he had been writing and speaking for more than thirty
years: the role of the monarchy in maintaining the unity of the empire even as
some of its parts attained ever greater powers of selfgovernment. He told his
audience that ‘it has been given to you in the Australian colonies, more than
anywhere else, to show how it is possible to combine freedom with devotion to
the monarchy’.
The theme was picked up by the Grand Master of the
independent and recognised Grand Lodge of South Australia, Chief Justice Samuel
Way,[97] when on 2
December he welcomed Carnarvon to the special meeting of the Grand Lodge and
presided over the subsequent banquet. Carnarvon did not particularly enjoy the
‘banquet’ in the Flinders Street Masonic hall as he had already dined with Way.
He wrote in his diary that ‘we had a sort of collation & . . . I had to
speak. It was altogether rather a severe evening’s work’.[98]
In the beautifully illuminated address presented that
evening to Carnarvon as Pro Grand Master of the UGLE,[99] the members
of the South Australian Grand Lodge, not being ‘unacquainted with the position
you have achieved as a Member of the Commonwealth of letters, as a Statesman,
and as a Freemason’, expressed their thanks to Carnarvon ‘for all you have
accomplished for the development, the consolidation and the unity of Her
Majesty’s Colonial Dominions’, and their pride ‘as Masons . . . of the
lustre which your public and masonic services have shed upon the Craft’. The
address continued:
Although
no longer owing allegiance to the Grand Lodge of England many of us were
received into Freemasonry under the English Constitution to which indeed a
majority of our Lodges originally belonged. The severance of our connections
with the Grand Lodges of Great Britain and Ireland has no more diminished our
fraternal feeling towards the Members of the Craft under their respective
jurisdictions, or our adherence to the principles and landmarks of Freemasonry,
than the development of our political institutions has lessened our loyalty to the
Throne, or our desire to continue under the British Empire.
The subscribers assured Carnarvon of their devotion to
‘the person of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales’ and of their belief that
Carnarvon’s visit would be ‘a great public advantage’ and ‘advance the cause of
the Masonic Union in these Colonies and all over the world’. In his speech, Way
said:
The presence of Lord
Carnarvon there that night was cumulative proof that in declaring their Masonic
Independence, they had not cut themselves off from the Masonic Brotherhood on
the other side of the world . . . They [had] substituted
for the old tie of dependence the stronger and still more enduring ties of
gratitude, of alliance, and of brotherhood of a more fully developed character . . .
But, he added, the Grand Lodge of South Australia had
‘one ungratified ambition’:
We hope to have still
another federal tie to the Grand Lodge of England. We hope to be honoured by
the favour of HRH the Prince of Wales . . . [becoming]
the Grand Patron of Masonry in South Australia.
Whatever words the South Australians used that night,
however, they could not disguise the fact that their Grand Lodge had achieved
full independence from the ‘home’ Grand Lodges. The ties of ‘gratitude’ and of
a more mature ‘brotherhood’ no doubt existed in many a South Australian
Freemason’s breast, but these were not ‘federal ties’. The new Grand Lodge had
already been ‘recognised’ by the ‘home’ Grand Lodges, and by many others around
the world, but there was no Masonic alliance for it join, let alone a ‘Masonic
Union’.[100] And even
if the Prince of Wales, the UGLE’s Grand Master, consented to fill the entirely
honorary and decorative office of Grand Patron, the Masonic ‘painter’ that had
formerly and formally moored them to the ‘home’ Grand Lodges would remain
severed.
In his reply, Carnarvon set out the key qualification
required of a Colonial Secretary:
no
one should attempt in any way to administer on the Imperial side colonial
affairs in England who is not prepared to enter into sympathy with these great
colonies. If he cannot rise to the point of entering into community of feeling
with them he had better leave his task alone.
He also admitted that ‘Errors have been made; errors
will often be made . . . and there lives no politician or
statesman who can ever be exempt from mistake’. He noted with approval ‘that
great line of telegraphic communication’ which now formed a ‘great bond of
union…between Australia and the mother country’,[101] a bond
which ‘is in truth a federal bond’. In closing, Carnarvon said he trusted that
as the relationship between England and Australia grew and matured the two
countries would ‘mutually make allowances for each other . . . and above
all in the face of the whole world, if it is necessary, stand faithfully
shoulder to shoulder with each other. (Cheers)’[102]
For whatever reason, it appears that at this stage of
his Australian visit Carnarvon did not take the cue provided by Way to speak
about the possibility of formally federating the Australian colonies.[103] Perhaps he
did not wish to frighten the horses, as it were, but to let the matter develop
at its own speed. Carnarvon may also have rejected another overture to discuss
the matter of federation, this time from someone who claimed to have supported
his federal aims in South Africa, namely James Walter Smith of 41 Strangways
Terrace, North Adelaide. In his letter of 29 November 1887,[104] seeking a
meeting with Carnarvon, Smith wrote that he had been ‘at Balliol when your
Lordship was at Christ Church’ and had then ‘gone to Natal’ for his health, and
there ‘edited the Witness, the only paper in the colony which consistently
supported the Colonial Office plans as to federation and native administration
etc. – a paper which I was told met with your approval’. Smith also claimed to
have been the ‘only advocate in the press’ of the occupation of the Transvaal.
Smith also expressed concern that the Australian colonies ‘suffer much from
disunion’. Carnarvon may have felt that Smith’s main aim was to gain some
favour from him; he may even have noticed that Smith erroneously claimed a
Masonic connection when he stated that he ‘was initiated in the Apollo Lodge
shortly before your Lordship’, Carnarvon having in fact been initiated in
Westminster and Keystone Lodge. Whatever the reason, it does not appear from
Carnarvon’s diary that he granted Smith’s request for a meeting.
The Carnarvons left Adelaide on 5 December to return
to Melbourne late on 7 December. En route they stayed with the Hon Phillip
Russell at Carngham [105] and
visited Ballarat, its mines, orphan asylum, and school of mines. At a mayoral
reception in their honour at the Ballarat Town Hall on 7 December Carnarvon
spoke of Australia as ‘South England’, England and Australia being one nation,
one family.[106]
Victoria, 7–12 December 1887
Back in Melbourne the two main events facing Carnarvon
were ‘the great dinner’ to be given in his honour by the two houses of the
Victorian parliament on 9 December, and a Masonic luncheon the following
day—but he would also have to receive a deputation of Presbyterians who were
complaining about Britain’s failure to uphold their land claims in the New
Hebrides.
At the parliamentary dinner on 9 December, the Speaker
raised the matter of the possible federation of the Australian colonies. This
time Carnarvon took up the point in his reply. Colonial federation, in his
opinion, could not and should not be rushed, and to be a success it would have
to be of mutual and permanent benefit to all parties and allow each colony to
retain its individuality.[107] (In the
event, Federation was not achieved until fourteen years later, when on 1
January 1901 the six colonies were united in ‘a Federal Commonwealth of
Australia’.[108])
Some parliamentarians had shown their disapproval of the dinner by leaving their
tables empty, but otherwise Carnarvon must have felt that the event had been a
success. The Masonic luncheon the next day, however, was described by Carnarvon
in his diary as ‘hot, fatiguing, dull.’ The Masonic programme had started with
a meeting of the recently-formed Earl of Carnarvon Lodge No 2124 EC at
Collingwood, which Carnarvon probably felt bound to attend as he had allowed it
be named after him. At the lodge’s luncheon, held in the Collingwood Town Hall,
Carnarvon, in responding to the toast to his health, reverted to the theme of
the importance of personal contacts between the citizens of Australia and
England.
One group of Victorians that maintained contact with
England was the Combermere Lodge of Mark Master Masons No 336, Melbourne. Prompted
and led by one of their senior members, William Farqharson Lamonby, they
prepared an illustrated address to Carnarvon (a former Grand Master of the
English Grand Lodge of Mark Master Masons) and presented it to him at
Government House on 12 December, a few hours before the Carnarvons departed for
Sydney. Carnarvon’s diary entry simply reads ‘I received a Masonic deputation’,
but, as Lamonby was a journalist,[109] it is not
surprising that the account in the Australian Keystone [110] was rather
fuller. Carnarvon’s diary continues: ‘The Masons attended on the platform to
bid us adieu & cheered as we went off’.
New South Wales, 13–29 December 1887
The Sydney Morning Herald welcomed Lord
Carnarvon to Sydney on 13 December with an article praising the pragmatic approach
to federation he had demonstrated in his speech to the members of the Victorian
parliament in Melbourne on 9 December (see above), agreeing with him that
federal schemes should be allowed to develop on the basis of ‘joint action for
common purposes’ and therefore supporting ‘a scheme for joint action for
purposes of defence’. Visits such as his, and Kimberley’s before him, should
ensure ‘against any relapse into that condition of comparative indifference
which at one time tended to produce alienation of feeling here, and involved
the risks of mistaken policy and injudicious action in the parent state’.
Apart from attending one formal occasion on 18
December and witnessing some heavy artillery practice on 19 December, Carnarvon
spent most of the next week sorting out the management of his property in
Sydney, and in this he was assisted by the banker Sir George Verdon.[111] (Carnarvon’s
Australian properties were valuable enough for him still to be discussing them
with Verdon shortly before his death in 1890 and to include in ‘a series of
letters for his second wife, Elsie, as a guide to his finances to be opened
after his death’ his recommendation that she consider emigrating to Australia
or Canada if the economic or political climate in England became unfavourable.[112] The
attraction of investing in Australia was also clear to Carrington. He had just
been left £20,000 by ‘an old cousin John Henry Smith’[113] and was
soon able to tell Carnarvon that he had ‘bought some land between George &
Pit Streets and have a little in Worths brewery company which is a good thing
& pays 13 p.c.’[114])
The formal occasion was the ‘gt dinner’[115] given in
his honour on 19 December by the parliament of New South Wales, at which the
Premier, Sir William Parkes, presided. In welcoming Carnarvon, Parkes praised
him as a ‘liberal conservative’ and described Australians as ‘Britons to the
backbone’. Carnarvon then made a powerful speech in which he claimed that,
unlike the colonies of any other nation, those of Britain were ‘bound to the
mother country by kindness and love’, metropole and colonies being ‘the diverse
members of the English Empire’. He again raised the spectre of a European war,
arguing that only as members of this ‘great federation’ could the empire
survive against the ‘millions of the Continental armies’ and that the empire’s
‘safety against the use of force lies in preparing for war, which may break out
at any time’.
The Sydney Morning Herald reported fully and
commented widely on Carnarvon’s speech on 20, 22 and 26 December, and, although
its reporting was generally favourable, the newspaper also pointed out that
Australia was still tied to Britain not just by emotion but because she could
not yet walk alone, and warned that one day, in the distant future, Australia
would probably shake off all parental control.
For the Freemasons of New South Wales, however, the
day of their Masonic independence from England was only just over the horizon.
The Carnarvons, who had spent an inclement Christmas in the Blue Mountains,
returned to Sydney on 27 December (the fifth birthday of their son, Mervyn [116]),
en route for Brisbane, and on 29 December Carnarvon received John Williams, the
‘English’ District Grand Master, at Government House in Sydney. According to
the Sydney Morning Herald [117] it was a
‘long interview’ and their conversation covered ‘the welfare and interests of
Freemasonry in this colony’ and the arrangements for the ‘presentation of a
Masonic address to his lordship on the 17th proximo’. Although Williams was
later to dispute Carnarvon’s version of what transpired at that meeting, and
although the reports of it in the Masonic press were essentially assumptions
based on subsequent and more public events,[118] it would
appear that by the end of that ‘long interview’ Carnarvon believed he had
persuaded Williams [119] to offer
the Prince of Wales his resignation as District Grand Master, and obtained
Williams’ agreement to keep this confidential until the Grand Master replied.
When Carrington heard from Carnarvon that he had obtained Williams’ resignation
he replied that this cleared the ground—and by that he meant for the
amalgamation of the Craft in New South Wales into the united and independent
Grand Lodge which he had proposed to the Prince of Wales earlier in the year
(see above).[120] But before
Carnarvon could take any further steps in that direction, he and his wife left
New South Wales to visit Queensland.
Queensland, 30 December 1887 to 16 January 1888
The Carnarvons left Sydney for Brisbane on 29
December. They went by train to Newcastle (via Peat’s Ferry) and thence by
steam launch across the Hawkesbury River and up Mullet Creek, whence a special
train took them to the Queensland border, which they reached early the
following morning. There, their carriage was shunted over the border and
attached to the main northern line, which steamed into Brisbane at about 8 pm
on 30 December.[121] In
Brisbane they were the guests of the Governor, Sir Antony Musgrave, with whom
Carnarvon inspected the fortifications and the colony’s gunboats.[122]l Carnarvon’s
host for the one Masonic event of his brief stay in Brisbane—a ‘special
communication of the District Grand Lodge of Queensland of Freemasons under the
Grand Lodge of England’[123] on 4
January—was Augustus C Gregory, the famous explorer, now the ‘English’ District
Grand Master and a member of the colony’s legislative assembly. Of the 140 who
attended the lodge meeting,[124] twenty or
so were from the local Irish and Scottish lodges, including the ‘Scottish’
District Grand Master and several other members of the coony’s parliament. The
illustrated address to Carnarvon was read aloud, including the passages
pledging the ‘English’ District’s allegiance to their Grand Master, the Prince
of Wales, and to ‘the Queen, patroness of English Freemasons’, and expressing their
hope that ‘As this visit is understood to be made for relaxation and change of
air . . . the temperate and salubrious climate of Queensland
will have a beneficial effect on your Lordship’s health’.[125] Carnarvon
received the address with a short but unremarkable speech.
At the banquet that followed, however, Carnarvon made
a significant speech in which he set out his views of the purpose and
achievements of ‘English’ Freemasonry (in contrast with that of countries such
as France) and his belief that in the Craft (as in the political world, though
he did not make the parallel explicit on this occasion), as long as the core
principles were maintained throughout the jurisdiction, practices could and
should adapt to the local context. Carnarvon praised ‘the signs of the great
care and caution exhibited in the composition’ he had seen in Australian
lodges, as ‘it is not mere numbers’ that the Craft required. He stressed that
as ‘Masonry . . . will be judged by
external evidences’, and as ‘the world rather likes to see what the results [of
Masonic teaching] in your everyday life are’, ‘each lodge should consider most
carefully its own composition, the rules under which it lives and moves, the
objects for which it is instituted and the effective or inefficient way in
which it carries out the principles of this order’. Whereas ‘in other parts of
the world Masonry has sometimes allowed itself to be mixed up with other
associations, other objects, other traditions’,[126] in England
Masons united together ‘for purposes of charity, and for kindly, brotherly
acts’; they successfully converted ‘many selfish, idle, ineffective lives, into
lives that are socially useful’; above all they ‘inculcated, and . . . kept in
view those two great pillars upon which every civilised community will rest, . . . the
unflinching maintenance of law and order’ and were ‘loyal subjects to the
Queen’. Then, in his peroration, Carnarvon once again spoke of the nature of
the ties that bound Britain and her colonies together, of which the Craft was
one:
if there is one thing
more striking to the traveller than another it is this, that as he passes round
the globe, ever keeping on British territory, ever living under the protection
of the English flag, ever hearing the English language, that he feels he is
encircled by a great ring, so to speak, of English institutions and thoughts,
and last of all, he is surrounded by English Masonry.
Carnarvon said that he looked upon ‘English Masonry as
a very great bond of union’ and the District Grand Lodge of Queensland ‘as a
distinct link in the chain’. There were many different ‘bonds of union’, but
the most powerful were those, such as Freemasonry, ‘which appeal most
intimately to our private feelings, our affections, and our social
intercourse’, for ‘Masonry . . . has enabled many
things of a semi-public nature to be accomplished that no public legislation
would ever have achieved’.[127]
At least in Brisbane, therefore, ‘Carnarvon waxed
poetic on the significance of the empire and Freemasonry’s role as a bridge between
the metropole and the colonies’ at a Masonic meeting, as Harland-Jacobs has
claimed (see above)— but yet again one looks in vain for any mention of the
Imperial Federation League or of the Imperial Institute. Indeed, the Courier
regretted that the occasion did not provide Carnarvon with an opportunity
to air his views on federation as ‘the proceedings at the banquet [on 4
January] . . . were . . . of an
interest purely social and Masonic’.[128] Carnarvon
had in fact hoped to speak ‘plainly’ on ‘Union & defence’ at the Queensland
Club dinner [129] on Friday
6 January, but, when he learnt that the press would be barred from attending
and that a speech there on ‘the burning question of the moment’ would not be
appropriate, Carnarvon gave an interview to the Courier that morning.
While the newspaper’s report of the interview [130] appears to
be an accurate record of the views Carnarvon then expounded, its editorial
argued strongly against his case for closer ties between Australasia and
Britain. It accused Carnarvon of having completely misgauged the temper of the
Australian people in this respect. ‘The spirit abroad is not in favour of
political or purely dynastic unions; it is the spirit of nationality’, it
cried. Even if a European war broke out, it claimed, an Australasian union
could stand aloof, like Switzerland. For his part, Carnarvon wrote in his diary
that ‘The paper “The Courier” and this rather anti-English section seem to
terrorise all the more loyal part of the community’. In another entry he wrote
‘The state of feeling here as to Imperial policy – Union, Federation, Defence –
and all questions connected with them is very different from what is in the
South & unsatisfactory’. The ‘large section’ who believed Australia could
stand alone were ‘inflated with their own importance’ and were either in ‘a
fool’s paradise’ or indulged in ‘rather discreditable notions of getting as
much English money as they can & then being independent’.[131] In his
notebook Carnarvon added further comments on the state of affairs in Queensland
and wondered whether ‘the Irish community’ was encouraging the colony’s
politicians in what he perceived as their anti-English and pronationalist
stance:[132]
A very marked feeling
of antagonism as between English & Australian interests. The Young Australia
party seems stronger here though the Colony is not 50 yrs old than elsewhere. A
jealousy of English influence – a desire to be independent – a belief that
either by Australian combination or by U.S. help they can stand alone . . . The leading
politicians whom I have as yet met are apparently not very friendly to English
connection. The Irish community all [?] is strong & well organised &
entirely under the priests influence & apparently adverse & probably
contributes to their feeling. I fear that they showed no sign whatsoever of
sympathy in the Celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee. It is a gt. question in my
mind whether throughout Australia there is not a very wide & large feeling
of disaffection on the part of the Irish only waiting the spark to kindle it
into fire.
An Irish interruption
Here I must digress briefly to comment on this
outburst against ‘the Irish’ as it touches on matters which, at least to
Carnarvon’s mind, threatened the unity of the empire which he wished to
maintain and strengthen, and which exemplify the essential ambiguity in his
stance between imperial federation and colonial self-government. Carnarvon had
developed a sharply critical attitude towards ‘the Irish’ over several decades,
and entries in his diaries such as the following one are not infrequent:
Almost everywhere,
both in Queensland & in N.S.W. I find a dislike & hatred of the Irish.
In both Colonies they form a large community & in both they are detested.
Here & there a good individual is said to exist, but as a class hardly a
good word is said for them.[133]
Despite that general attitude, Carnarvon had accepted
Salisbury’s request to take on the office of Lord Lieutenant for Ireland and,
once there, he had begun to think that a greater devolution of power to Dublin
might save the day for the rest of the empire. As he wrote to the Queen on 27
November 1885:[134]
Ld C is bound to say
that in his opn. there is very gt. danger to all institutions at home & to
the Empire abroad by delaying to deal broadly & finally with this question.
It seems also at the moment to be on the whole a favourable junction. Ireland
is quiet; there has been a considerable cessation from really serious outrage
(with one single exception) & a measure of self government might now be
given wh. wd. not have the semblance of [having been] extorted. A little later
all this may change & it may be impossible to refuse with safety or to
grant with dignity.
To that end he was even willing, with Salisbury’s
prior approval, to have a secret meeting with Charles Parnell, the leader of
the Irish National League, in an otherwise empty house in London on 1 August
1885. There, according to Carnarvon, he simply listened to Parnell’s proposals
for ‘home rule’ and promptly relayed them to Salisbury. Carnarvon’s ‘advocacy of
federal solution to Anglo-Irish relations’[135] during the
autumn of 1885 failed to persuade the cabinet, which preferred, as Carnarvon
wrote in his diary on 4 January 1888, to ‘do nothing and announce no policy’,[136] and
Carnarvon resigned his post and his cabinet seat later that month. When on 7
June Parnell revealed his meeting with Carnarvon to the Commons, and claimed
that Carnarvon had promised that the Tory party would give ‘home rule’ to
Ireland if it won a majority at the next election, Carnarvon in the Lords
denied making the pledge but made it clear that he favoured giving Ireland a
limited form of self-government. This did not go down well with his former
colleagues in the government. Carnarvon’s contribution to the meeting with
Parnell on 1 August 1885 was next raised while Carnarvon was in Sydney. At the
end of December 1887, Carnarvon learnt that Justin McCarthy (the Irish MP
through whom he had arranged the meeting with Parnell) had alleged that when
he, Carnarvon, had met Parnell, he had not just listened to Parnell’s proposals
but had actually accepted them. The allegation was serious enough for Salisbury
himself to issue a denial on 23 December, but McCarthy replied on 24 December
that as Carnarvon was ‘a man of honour’ he would not ‘disclaim the statement
alleged to have been made by him in reference to Home Rule’. The London
correspondent of the Sydney Morning Herald cabled this exchange to
Sydney and it was published in that paper on 26 December. Carnarvon read the
article the next day, on his return to Sydney from the Blue Mountains, and
wrote in his diary ‘It is vexatious to be dragged into an Irish wrangle but I
think some answer must be given’.[137] He wrote
to the editor the next day, and his letter was published on 29 December:
My attention has been
called to a telegram from England to the effect that Mr. Justin M’Carthy [sic]
has stated that I ‘have accepted Mr. C.S. Parnell’s Home Rule for Ireland
proposals as a plank in my political faith,’ and that Lord Salisbury has
replied that ‘he is convinced that such a statement is without foundation.’ I
do not particularly admire the political fairness of making allegations as to a
person who is known to be many thousand miles distant, and therefore wholly
incapable of making an immediate reply. That reply has, however, already been
made for me by Lord Salisbury; but in order that there may be no ground for
misapprehension here or elsewhere, I think it well to say that the statement
attributed to Mr. M’Carthy is, if correctly reported, absolutely without
warrant. My opinions on Irish affairs, and particularly on Mr. Gladstone’s Home
Rule Bill, have been so often and so clearly stated that it is quite
unnecessary for me to repeat them.
The Sydney Morning Herald then published two
articles on Carnarvon and Ireland in its issue of 30 December, but thereafter
the matter seems to have been dropped by the Australian press.[138] It had,
however, vexed Carnarvon—ever sensitive to challenges to his honour [139]—and
may to some extent explain his anti-Irish outburst in his Queensland diary. He
is also likely to have been disappointed when, at the Masonic banquet in Sydney
on 17 January 1888, he presumably realised that his purpose and his perceived
outcome of a more recent confidential tête-à-tête had also been misinterpreted
by his collocutor—this time John Williams, the ‘English’ District Grand Master
of New South Wales, at their meeting on 29 December 1888.
New South Wales, 16–29 January 1888
Over the next few days the Carnarvons made their way
via Westbrook (near Toowoomba) and Eton Vale to Armidale and thence to Herbert
Park where they spent a relaxing weekend with a distant relative, Mrs George
Henry Vaughan Jenkins [140] and her
family, and without any official or Masonic engagements.[141] A special
train took them back to Sydney on Monday 16 January, via Waratah and Hamilton,[142] where they
had but a short time to catch up with their hosts, the Carringtons, before the
two men left for the special meeting of the District Grand Lodge the next day.
Once Carnarvon had obtained Williams’ tender of
resignation on 29 December, he had quickly passed the news to Carrington before
leaving for Brisbane, and Carrington had sent it by telegram to the Prince of
Wales on 3 January 1888.[143] The Prince
must have accepted the resignation and replied almost as promptly,[144] for on 17
January Carnarvon was able to announce Williams’ resignation at the Masonic
banquet that Williams had arranged in his honour. Carnarvon’s announcement
seems, however, to have surprised Williams, who was later to claim that as far
as he was aware, on 17 January his resignation had yet to be formally accepted
by the Grand Master.[145] Williams
had not taken the hint to resign that Carrington gave him on 27 June (see
above) when Carrington had told the members of the ‘British’ Masonic districts
in New South Wales that their District Grand Masters ‘would be the last persons
in the world to throw any impediment in the way of a general reconciliation of
the brethren should it be possible to effect it in a lawful and proper manner’.
During his long period as the head of the ‘English’ Masons in the colony.
Williams’ duty and inclination had been to hold the fort against the
independent and unrecognised Grand Lodge of New South Wales, which by 1887 had
grown significantly in both numbers and prestige. (Clerke, the UGLE’s Grand
Secretary, had briefed Carnarvon on 15 August 1887 that ‘the irregular Body has
been growing rapidly – it is believed to have the best men of the colony in it,
and has increased to about 50 Lodges as against our 76, and they have built a
splendid Masonic Hall at cost of about £10,000’.[146])
Despite Carrington’s hint and the changing Masonic context, Williams found it
difficult after so many years to change his course. Instead of amalgamation
with the other bodies of Craft Masons in New South Wales and the formation of
an independent Grand Lodge representing the overwhelming majority of those
brethren, Williams wanted an even closer relationship with the UGLE. This is
clear from the terms of the address which he presented to Carnarvon, on behalf
of his District Grand Lodge, at the banquet on 17 January, in which the hope
was expressed that Carnarvon’s visit would ‘result in further cementing the
Bond of Fraternal Union by which we are united to The Grand Lodge of England!’
[his emphasis]. Having expressed himself thus in public, and apparently unaware
that his ‘resignation’ had already been cabled to and accepted by the Prince of
Wales, it is not surprising that Williams was overcome with emotion when he
heard Carnarvon announce his resignation at the banquet, and could hardly reply
to the warm and generous toast to his health.[147]
For many of those present at the banquet, however, and
for the leaders of the dissident Grand Lodge of New South Wales, the main
emotions on hearing of Williams’ resignation would have been relief and
excitement—relief that the one remaining impediment to the formation of a
recognisable Grand Lodge had been removed in as graceful way as possible, and
excitement at the prospects for the Craft this afforded. As soon as Carrington
had sent the cable to the Prince of Wales he wrote to Carnarvon that ‘old
Williams [sic] resignation clears the ground’,[148] and, after
the banquet on 17 January, Carnarvon wrote in his diary ‘My hope & object
now are to get Carrington D.G.M. of a United G.L. which will bring the
dissentient Lodges into Union.’[149]
Although from this entry one cannot be certain that
Carnarvon yet fully shared Carrington’s vision of a united and independent
Grand Lodge rather than a united District Grand Lodge under the UGLE (since
‘D.G.M. means District Grand Master, yet in the same phrase he uses ‘United
G.L.’) it is clear that he was not envisaging a ‘Grand Lodge of Australia’, and
in this he was in tune with the leading article in The Victorian Freemason of
5 January 1888 which, more surprisingly, accurately forecast most of
Carnarvon’s plan to maintain a link between the several independent Grand
Lodges that would inevitably be formed in Australia and their parent Grand
Lodges in Britain. The article is also of interest because it finds parallels
in politics, religious societies and Freemasonry (would that more historians
would do so today!) and between Canada and Australia, as this extract shows:[150]
Whenever local
self-government has been established in politics, the same example has been
followed in religious societies and in Masonic matters. Each of the [Canadian]
colonies has its own Grand Lodge . . . We are of
the opinion that the only federal scheme in Masonry possible for the Australian
colonies, is for each colony to have its own Grand Lodge, and all of them to be
bound to one another, and to the Grand Lodges of England, Ireland and Scotland,
by securing HRH the Prince of Wales as the patron of each of them.
Once the banquet and the announcement of Williams’
resignation were behind him, Carnarvon quickly took the remaining major steps
towards the achievement of his ‘hope & object’ that lay within his
competence. Bypassing the ‘English’ District Grand Master, Carnarvon met
Williams’ deputy, Colonel Frederick Stokes, and Bray, the District Grand
Secretary, on 19 January at Government House and found that they ‘strongly
advise union & concession of selfgovernment’.[151] Carnarvon
followed this up with a ‘very long conversation on Masonic matters with Messrs
Pigott,[152] Wynne,
Liggins etc.’ the next day, at the end of which they ‘Came to a sort of private
& unofficial understanding as to Carrington’s acceptance of the Grand
Mastership & as to the terms of union between the English constitution and
the Dissentient G.L. of N.S.W.’[153] Carnarvon
met them [154] again on
21 January to take them through the ‘Basis for Union’ which he had himself
drafted.[155] When
Carnarvon had gained their acceptance of his paper, Carrington joined the
meeting, read Carnarvon’s terms and signed the document to signify his approval
of it. Carnarvon wrote in his diary: ‘I hope that the re-union may now be
accomplished on reasonably good terms’.
In essence, Carnarvon’s ‘basis for union’ required the
‘dissentient’ Grand Lodge of New South Wales to elect Carrington as its Grand
Master (the incumbent Grand Master, Dr Tarrant, having already signified his
assent to stand down in favour of Carrington); Carrington to succeed Williams
as District Grand Master of the ‘English’ District (and of the ‘Scottish’ one
if the ‘Scots’ desired to join the proposed union); Carrington then to accept
the Grand Mastership and, once in possession of these offices, to ‘proceed to
the fusion of the different bodies in one Grand Lodge’. Carrington’s part in
all this would depend on the approval of his Grand Master, the Prince of Wales,
and an assurance that the UGLE would recognise a united Grand Lodge, and this
Carnarvon undertook to obtain after his return to England. That Carrington and
Carnarvon had correctly assessed the mood of the vast majority of the Masons in
the colony, and the success of Carnarvon’s efforts on their behalf while there
and then in England, can be judged from the fact that when the UGLE met on 5
December that year it unanimously approved his proposal that it should
immediately recognise the United Grand Lodge of New South Wales that had been
inaugurated in August and of which Carrington had been installed as the first
Grand Master on 18 September, in the knowledge that all 82 ‘English’ and 65 ‘Scotch’
[sic] lodges had already voted or would soon vote to transfer their
(Masonic) allegiance to it.[156] Although
Carnarvon told the meeting that he was ‘convinced that as time goes on we [the
UGLE] shall find that the ties of Masonic affection have not in the least
degree been weakened’ by the ‘concession’ of what he called ‘self-government’,
he admitted that ‘we are losing nothing that we could possibly have retained
for one moment against their wish’. Carnarvon claimed that the ‘concession’
followed ‘the analogy of Imperial Administration’:[157]
Self-government has
been freely and fully accorded, without stint and without reserve, to these
great self-governing Colonies, and there is no one in England so blind or so
mad as to repent that gift. They have paid it with a feeling of affection and
loyalty towards the Mother Country, and it is my conviction that in the same
way we are bound to give freely, generously, and without stint the powers of
selfgovernment in Masonic matters to our Masonic Brethren in the New World.
The analogy was, however, inexact, as from its
inception a new Grand Lodge was not only self-governing but, unlike the colony,
entirely independent. Shadwell Clerke had reminded Carnarvon of this fact just
a few months earlier (see above). Carnarvon used the analogy as a rhetorical
device to smooth his proposal’s passage towards acceptance by the UGLE and to
express his consistent if ultimately vain hope that the concession of
independence, whether gradual (in ‘Imperial Administration’) or immediate (in
Masonic administration) would not weaken the affective bonds between the mother
country and its offspring.
Although the press printed further articles about the
proposed amalgamation of lodges in New South Wales while Carnarvon was still in
the colony [158] he does
not seem to have undertaken any other Masonic functions during his last week in
Sydney. Instead he attended some of the colony’s centenary celebrations and
some sessions of the ‘congress’ of colonial governors, and sold one property
there before making ‘a large purchase in Hunter St’.[159] His only
public speech seems to have been a brief one, at Governor Carrington’s
centennial ‘State Banquet’, when he again contrasted the relationship between
British colonies and their motherland with those of colonies under other
imperial powers, such as Holland, France and Portugal, and which:
knew no real liberty
abroad, and they were united by no ties of common sentiment at home. Affection
for the mother-country, willing loyalty to the Crown, and the thousand subtle
influences and bonds of intercourse that unite Britain with her colonies, were
wanting.
Britain and her colonies shared ‘in great measure, a
unity of purpose’ and exercised in their relationship ‘a boundless influence
upon the fortunes, the characters, and the institutions of each other’.[160]
Victoria, 30 January to 9 February 1888
On 30 January 1888, while Carrington laid the
foundation stone of the new parliament buildings in Sydney, the Carnarvons
returned to Melbourne and thence to the government cottage at Macedon, where
they stayed a week without any public engagements. On 7 February the Premier of
Victoria and other members of the colonial government gave a private ‘bon
voyage’ dinner to Carnarvon at Menzies Hotel in Melbourne, and there Carnarvon,
‘owing to a feeling of gratitude for the great kindnesses he had received’ in
the five colonies he had visited in the previous five months, said he ‘felt
impelled to become a sort of missionary for Australia on his return to Great
Britain’.[161] In his
diary he noted, however, that he ‘spoke on general subjects though I said a few
words on defence’.[162] Then,
after inspecting fortifications, the Carnarvons left for Government House,
Adelaide, on 9 February.
South Australia, 10–13 February; Western Australia, 17
February 1888
Apart from discussing ‘pending Masonic
questions’—unspecified—with Grand Master Chief Justice Way,[163] Carnarvon
does not seem to have undertaken anything substantive before setting sail from
Adelaide to Europe on 13 February, except to answer questions from the press,
mainly on defence matters. He praised the progress the Australian colonies had
made in this respect, but, given the danger posed by the European powers, he
urged them to do more, including the creation of ‘a greater combination amongst
these colonies for the purpose of defence’, as ‘In the union of the Empire lies
its real strength . . . and its best chance
of peace’.[164] When their
ship, the RMS Shannon, called briefly at Albany, Western Australia, on
17 February the Carnarvons spent their few hours ashore at ‘the Residency’.
There, Lord Carnarvon received a deputation of the local Masons, led by the Hon
J A Wright, the ‘English’ District Grand Master designate,[165] who
presented him with an address.[166] The Albany
Mail published Carnarvon’s full curriculum vitae the next day, together
with a mention of the local Masons’ welcome. Aboard ship Carnarvon had already
written in his diary:[167]
And so ends an
expedition which except for poor Byng’s death has been most prosperous,
interesting & successful. I feel very thankful when I think how everything
has turned out well & I hope that I go back, if not very strong, yet better
in health & certainly refreshed in mind.
Epilogue
The return journey via Colombo and the Suez Canal
brought Lord and Lady Carnarvon to Italy on 16 March 1888. Their onward journey
overland to Paris and thence to London was delayed until the end of April by a
further bout of illness that caused Carnarvon to write that he was ‘not very
well fitted at present for any regular or hard public work’, characteristically
adding, however, ‘I must go on & do the best in my knowledge & power,
very thankful to have as much as I have’.[168]
On 31 May, soon after the Prince of Wales had returned
from Berlin, Carnarvon had ‘a long & interesting talk’ with him, beginning
with ‘Australian Masonry’ and a discussion of ‘all that I sd say next week in
Gd Lodge’. Carnarvon also described ‘the difference of the political atmosphere
– the very strong imperialist feeling in Victoria, the lessening of it in
N.S.W., & the almost anti-Imperialist sense in Brisbane’.[169] At Grand
Lodge on 6 June Carnarvon spoke of his Australian visit, and especially about
South Australia and New South Wales, ‘two out of the three great Australasian
self-governed free Colonies’. He rejoiced that ‘though the Grand Lodge of South
Australia now enjoys entire self-government and independence . . . there has
been no wavering whatever of affection and the old Masonic loyalty to the
Mother Craft here at home’ and that the Prince of Wales, having heard his
report, had agreed to become its ‘Grand Patron’. Carnarvon went so far as to
express his hope that the South Australian Grand Lodge might yet make a request
to ‘His Royal Highness that he should consent in some way to undertake the duty
in certain very limited cases of the decision of certain appeals’—but that
request never came. Turning to New South Wales, Carnarvon forecast the imminent
solution to its Masonic problems under ‘Lord Carrington the common
meeting-place, so to say, of all desires’. He then praised the achievements of
Masonry in Australia, where it was ‘uniting various classes and interests
together; . . . composing differences
and soothing animosities’ and, as in England, being ‘the foremost champion for
the support of law and order, and of hearty loyalty to the Throne’.[170] On 5
December 1888 Carnarvon successfully proposed the recognition of the recently
inaugurated United Grand Lodge of New South Wales (of which Carrington had been
installed as its first Grand Master in the presence of more than 4000 Masons)
and then announced that the Prince of Wales would now accept its invitation to
be its Grand Patron. On this occasion, however, Carnarvon added that ‘This is
an Honorary Title’ that marked, on the part of the Masons of New South Wales,
their ‘feelings of loyalty and affection’ towards the Prince.[171] In fact it
was the final attempt ‘to clothe with illusion that which lacked reality’.[172]
The United Grand Lodge of Victoria was formed on 29
March 1889 and recognised in Carnarvon’s absence on 5 June that year.
In the House of Lords Carnarvon spoke about Chinese
immigrants in Australia and criticised the Western Australian Consolidation
Bill on 8 June and 11 July 1889 respectively. He declined Sir William (Cleaver)
Robinson’s invitation to join the board of the Federal Bank of Victoria’s
London branch, believing that the bank would use his name to attract ‘English
depositors’ and fearing that if things went wrong the depositors might ‘turn
round & say they had invested in the faith’ of his name.[173] The United
Grand Lodge of New South Wales voted to procure and send him a jewel as its
representative at the UGLE, but although he managed to discuss his Australian
property with Verdon in May (see above), Carnarvon died, before the jewel
reached him, on 28 June 1890, eight days after Carrington inaugurated the Grand
Lodge of Tasmania. This passage in Carnarvon’s obituary in the South
Australian Freemason speaks for itself:[174]
In his successful
efforts to heal the differences in Masonic circles which unfortunately existed
in more than one of the adjoining colonies, and in his equally successful
advocacy of the rights of colonial Masons to autonomy and sovereign
jurisdiction within our respective borders, he laid the foundations of a solid
inheritance of respect and gratitude.
Conclusion
Carnarvon went to Australia essentially to improve his
health, to take a long break from the demands on his time and strength in
England, and to attend to his Australian investments. As a former Colonial
Secretary who was known to favour granting Britain’s white settlement colonies
the maximum of selfgovernment consonant with maintaining the unity of the
British empire to the mutual advantage of its centre and periphery, Carnarvon
was at short notice fêted by the colonial parliaments in Australia. Because
‘Rome and Greece were thought to demonstrate that empires were ultimately
self-dissolving’,[175] Carnarvon
sought a stronger template for the British empire, consisting of selfgoverning
colonies linked to Britain by loyalty to the monarch, shared values, personal
connections, trade and sentiment—and by shared obligations of mutual defence.
It was this theme that pervaded his handful of major public speeches during his
four-month visit. He did not press for more formal links between the colonies
and Britain, or even between the colonies themselves, though he pointed out
that closer collaboration for mutual defence was necessary to combat the threat
posed by other European powers and even China. Nor did he press for funds for
the Imperial Institute. In sum, Carnarvon was not acting as an emissary of the
Imperial Federation League but as a seasoned conservative statesman
trying—ultimately in vain—to halt even the British empire’s dissolution.
Carnarvon was not sent to Australia as an emissary of
the English Grand Lodge. However, as its second most senior member his help was
sought—once he had decided to make the voyage—by its Grand Master, by its local
leaders in Australia, and by the ‘dissentient’ Grand Lodges that had already
been formed there, to smooth the latter stages of the way towards the creation
of Grand Lodges in three of the five colonies he visited, Grand Lodges that
would unify the Craft in each colony and which would be founded on ‘a solid
inheritance of respect and gratitude’ towards their parent(s). To that extent
he was successful. If he and the Prince of Wales had still entertained any hope
that these new Grand Lodges would be anything other than fully independent,
that hope was unrealised. The best that could be achieved was the purely
honorary appointment of the Prince of Wales as their patron. In Gorman’s words,
‘bonds of sentiment’ did not stand the test of . . . burgeoning
sovereignty’.[176] Carnarvon
neither initiated nor opposed the formation of independent Grand Lodges in
Australia. The movement for Masonic independence in Australia was homegrown
(though influenced by their North American forerunners), and it preceded the
movement for national independence, the nation of Australia then having yet to
be born. When, eventually, the Australian colonies were federated in 1901, the
Grand Lodges in each colony were too well established to come together in a
Grand Lodge of Australia, and they have remained separate entities to this day.
I leave it to others to consider whether the early creation of state Grand
Lodges in Australia delayed or assisted the formation of an Australian national
identity